december 10, 2010

Heritage Luxury! Absolutely Suzy!

As always, Suzy Menkes says the truth: “China has a desperate need of the past. It is really important to them to find something that is authentic — they want to go back to original roots,” said Michele Norsa, chief executive of Salvatore Ferragamo, speaking after a monthlong trip around Asia and 20 years of selling leather goods in China. But what about brand history and heritage in the rest of the world?Is it valued in the European countries that create fine goods? Is the legacy of luxury still embraced by the United States? Or does the weight of history seem too heavy for the modern, wired world? Those are the questions that concern luxury managers as they try to balance past and present and project both into the future. The subject of heritage is red-hot because, faced with fierce global competition, brands have to decide which way to go: back to the comfort zone of craftsmanship and quality, as Gucci has done; fast forward into the world of live screening and e-commerce; or a delicate balance between the two?

Read more on:

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/09/fashion/09iht-rsuzy.html

juni 15, 2010

In the year 3706….

Archeologists in the year 3706 uncovering the buried ruins of any major city in the world will no doubt find text on billboards, storefronts, traffic signs, and so on in the languages we know and use today. These words however will probably not be understood by 38th Century scientists because languages of today will eventually become obsolete and forgotten. Luckily, there will be an energetic and tenacious researcher with a well-used digging tool who will find along the viaducts and abandoned highways in the old cities evidence of writing that will be instantly recognized and easily read. For amid the buried rubble of civilizations long past will be elaborated and brightly colored signs and symbols created by graffiti artists that will last through the millennia. This often scoffed and criminalized form of visual communication will in the future become the one, universally accepted language.

Therefore, the future of mass communications does not reply on the preservation of pens, paper, computers, or satellites. In the vast future, we will understand ancient civilizations because of compressed paint in spray cans. (Paul Martin Lester)

juni 15, 2010

Purikura

The Social Uses of Purikura: Photographing, Modding, Archiving, and Sharing
Daisuke Okabe, Jan Chipchase, Mizuko Ito and Aico Shimizu

ABSTRACT
Drawing from ethnographic research in Tokyo, this paper describes the social practices of photographing, modding, archiving and sharing Print Club sticker pictures. The case of purikura is presented in order to illustrate a pervasive image capture and sharing modality that is optimized to capture and display peer network relationships.

INTRODUCTION
Camera phones are enabling new opportunities for the capture and sharing of visual information, but there are also many limitations in comparison to already established
forms of visual communication. This position paper explores some photography, archiving, and sharing modalities that have not yet been fully integrated in the
camera phone and digital exchange space by describing practices surrounding Print Club (purikura) sticker photos in Tokyo. Purikura have been well established among
Japanese teenage girls since the late nineties, and are an example of an image capture and sharing medium that is optimized for sharing within peer networks. By examining
a well-established set of social practices for pervasive image capture and sharing, we can understand some of the social and cultural drivers in this space.
In purikura booths, individuals or small groups can take their photos with a variety of frames or backdrops, and they are printed out on the spot onto sticker paper. The first
booths were deployed in 1995, and by 1997 there were 45,000 booths around the country [8]. Starting in 1998, booth makers built in the ability to alter and write graffiti
on the photos, leading to another spike in popularity. Currently, almost all Japanese teenage girls take and share purikura photos [3]. In a survey last year of girls aged 10-15, 43.6% of respondents noted purikura as the activity they are most “into” right now, making it the most popular choice (japan.internet.com). Although purikura are no longer as popular as they were in their heyday a few years ago, they are a well-established feature of teenagers’ popular culture and central to their visual communication practices. After outlining our research framework, this paper describes purikura photography, modding, archiving and sharing practices. We conclude with a discussion of what purikura can teach us about what young people look for in visual communication technologies.
OUR RESEARCH
For this paper we draw on an ethnographic study, currently in progress, documenting how young people engage with purikura. In July and August of 2006, we conducted
fieldwork in urban areas popular among young people: Shibuya and Kichijoji districts of Tokyo and in Yokohama, observing people in game centers with purikura and in purikura-only centers. We conducted observations for two days in Shibuya, which is considered the center of purikura culture, and observed for one day each in Kichijoji and Yokohama. So far, we have conducted 18 spot interviews of people exiting the booths and 9 in-depth interviews with young women who we recruited through our students’ social networks. In addition, we conducted three interviews with staff at these centers, and one representative of a purikura booth manufacturer. In our ongoing research we are seeking to understand how visual communication is changing with the advent of new portable and visual technologies, as well as how new technologies could be better designed to support visual communication modalities. Like other social researchers examining camera phones [2,4,9], we have conducted studies of new technology use in order to identify emergent genres and modalities for camera phone image capture and sharing [1,6,7]. In this study, we approach these questions from a more oblique angle. Instead of studying camera phone use, we are studying an existing practice of pervasive image capture and sharing in order to identify visual communication modalities that are not yet addressed by camera phones and online photo sharing sites. Camera phone were initially piloted in Japan in large part because of manufacturers’ observations of teenage girls’ involvements with mobile phones and purikura. However,
as Laura Miller writes in her analysis of purikura, camera phone photography does not allow users to easily modify or write graffiti on the photos, a practice that was well established by the time that camera phones were introduced [5]. The ability to modify photos is one of a variety of functions embedded in purikura that have made it a compelling and nearly universal medium among Japanese teenage girls. Central to the appeal is that fact that purikura booths have been optimized for commemorative photos that make friendships and social networks visible to others. We turn now to a description of the social practices surrounding purikura before concluding with a discussion of implications for understanding the evolution of pervasive image capture and sharing.

THE SOCIAL USES OF PURIKURA
Purikura are particularly rich objects for examining pervasive image capture and sharing because of the ways in which they are embedded in the everyday practices and locational infrastructures of young women in Japan. Although young men will take purikura if they are with a girlfriend or with a mixed-gender group, it is rare to see men on their own in purikura areas. Purikura are geared towards the tastes and social practices of women and girls. We describe these practices in terms of the cycle of photographing, modding, archiving, and sharing purikura.

 Photograping
In our interviews, most teenagers said that they will generally take some purikura every time they go out to town with a friend or a group of friends. The frequency for the high school students we interviewed averaged about 2-3 times a month. Upon entering college, this frequency tends to drop. It is a ritualized commemoration of their time together as well as a fun activity in and of itself. They will go to a game center or a purikura center, and find an empty booth (Figure 1). Behind the large curtain is a studio area that comfortably accommodates 4-8 people. After depositing ¥400, they use a touch screen display to choose backdrops, lighting, and other custom features that vary depending on the booth. A timer will count down before each shot. In the few seconds between each of the 4-6 shots, different backdrops will drop from the ceiling, the touch screen will display different options, and participants will scramble to decide on and strike different poses. For example, the touch screen might display the upcoming backdrop as clouds and blue sky, and someone might shout “airplane pose!” In the privacy of the booth, couples might kiss one another, or girllfriends might shed clothes, take sexy poses or make funny faces.

Modding
After the photography session, participants will exit the studio area and go to the “graffiti corner” to mod their photos. There, they will find two pens dangling on the side
of two touch screens. When they push the start button a timer will start to count down the time they have for modding, which varies depending on whether there are
other customers in the studio area or the other graffiti corner. Participants will almost invariably make substantial modifications to their photos. These will usually include
decoration with cute stamps, such as hearts, stars, or flowers, and annotation of the photo with handwritten text. For example, they might annotate a photo with the names
of the participants, the occasion, date, or commentary. Depending on the booth, they can add makeup, different hairstyles, frames, and other special features (Figure 2).
Often they will mod the photos by introducing distortions or graffiti onto each other’s faces. Miller describes graffiti photos as a new kind of creative expression keyed to contemporary girls culture in Japan [5]. The modding of photos is the most enjoyable part of the experience, and generally takes more time than the photography. If they are
not rushed by a waiting party, girls will often mod for 10-20 minutes.
Archiving
Once they are done modding, the girls will exit the booth and wait in front of a screen on the outside of the booth while their photos print out. There they might have the
option of selecting extra copies, an extra large printout, or sending photos to their mobile phones. Almost all the girls we interviewed said that they liked to have their purikura
sent to their phones, and they would often forward from there to other friends. Before printing out, they also select how they want the pictures divided, into 16 photos, 8 photos, etc. After their photos print out, they will go to a small table that is set up at every purikura area, where there are scissors that they can use to cut the sheet of stickers to divide among the participants. After going home, each of the girls will cut the sheet into individual pictures, and will stick one of each onto their purikura album. Some girls will fill their pages with just
stickers butting up against one another. Others will design complex diary-scrapbooks that describe the friendships and occasions for the photos.
The extra photos will be stored in a small container that they call a “puri-can.” The small “extra” stickers that come attached to the very end of each purikura sheet are often
stuck on mirrors, mobile phones, or other portable objects.

Sharing
With the exception of one informant, all of the girls we interviewed said that they carry their purikura albums with them almost all the time. They tend to carry their puri-can
with them only when a friend asks if they can do a purikura exchange. At school, during lunchtime or even during class, girls will look at each other’s purikura albums. It is
not unusual for even classmates who they are not very close to ask to see eath other’s purikura albums. Generally, they will only exchange purikura with close friends.
Purikura albums function as displays of girls’ peer relationships and their activities, as well as their creative talents in modding photos. Although they may show their
purikura albums to close male friends, almost all of the display and sharing happens within female peer groups. On very rare occasions, we might see a family member
photographed, and some girls share their albums with their family. But it is clear that purikura sharing is primarily among girl friends. This sharing culture performs the social function of displaying taste, fashion, and peer status in a format that is creative and fun and creates an opportunity for gossip. Boys might be featured in purikura albums, but they will
never have their own. The purikura they get are displayed more casually on mobile phone or pencil boxes. Intimate photos of couples are generally not displayed on purikura
albums, but are kept in more private locations, like in a personal planner, on the inside of the battery case of a mobile phone, or squirreled away in a desk drawer at home.
Most girls don’t want to deal with the complication of having old romantic relationships displayed in a semipublic archive. Interestingly, some girls also say that they might show a male friend but they wouldn’t want to show a boyfriend their purikura albums because they often feature photos of them making funny faces, or with their faces distorted with graffiti.

DISCUSSION
We can extract a number of lessons from what we have learned about the social uses of purikura.
1. The affordances of photography in a purikura booth support ongoing, ritualized photo taking of peer and couple gatherings. Unlike handheld photography, purikura photos
enable people to easily take photos of every member assembled, without fussing with camera timers or trying to photograph oneself at arms length. The booths allow privacy within a dense urban infrastructure, as well as high quality photos that can be viewed and printed on the spot, for immediate sharing among those photographed. Further,
the endless variations of photo backdrops and modifications encourages repeat visits.
2. Purikura are a rare example of how digital photo taking and sharing can be embedded in an infrastructure of location based entertainment. Current design innovation tends to focus on how we can transmit photos between handheld devices or from a handheld to a server or laptop. Purikura suggest the opposite flow, that there are occasions where photos captured in stationary infrastructures are transmitted to handheld devices.
3. Photo modding is an enjoyable social activity that also functions as an outlet for new forms of visual literacy. Currently, purikura booths are the only widely available
infrastucture for photo modding in a user friendly and social context. Purkura collectors also enjoy sending these annotated photos to their mobile phones or computers so
that they can enter the stream of visual exchange. The modding introduces stylistic features that distinguish purikura from other types of photographs.
4. The capture and display of moments when friends gather is a compelling archiving and sharing modality that is uniquely served by purikura. All of the girls we spoke to
also had camera phones, and some even had photo blogs, but all continued to take purikura. They saw camera phones and digital cameras as devices to take photos of places or
objects in the environment, but they turned to purikura to take photos of themselves with their friends. All of the girls we spoke to who photo blogged were careful not to post
pictures to their blogs that featured themselves or friends, but saw it more as a form of photo journalism, documenting scenery, food, and other objects they have run
across. This is consistent with earlier work on camera phone use. By contrast, the materiality of the purikura album enables display to select others, in a format that is portable, flexible, and easily managed by the individual.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research was supported by Nokia Research, the
Docomo House design cottage at Keio’s Shonan Fujisawa
Campus, and the Annenberg Center for Communication at
the University of Southern California.
REFERENCES
1. Ito, M. Intimate Visual Co-Presence, in the Pervasive
Image Capture and Sharing Workshop, Ubicomp 2005
(Tokyo, Japan, October 2005).
2. Kindberg, T., Spasojevic, M., Fleck, R., and Sellen, A.
How and Why People Use Camera Phones, Retrieved
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2004-216.html), 2004.
3. Kurita, Noboyuki. Purikura Communication (in
Japanese). Mass Communication Kenkyu 55, 1999, 153-
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4. Ling, R., and Julsrud, T. Grounded Genres in
Multimedia Messaging. In Nyíri, K. Ed. A Sense of
Place: The Global and the Local In Mobile
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5. Miller, L. Graffiti Photos: Expressive Art in Japanese
Girls’ Culture. Harvard Asia Quarterly VII, 3 (Summer
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6. Okabe, D. Emergent Social Practices, Situations and
Relations through Everyday Camera Phone Use. Mobile
Communications and Social Change (Seoul, Korea,
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Ethnographic View. Berlin: Frank & Timme,
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8. Okada, T. 2005. Youth Culture and the Shaping of
Japanese Mobile Media: Personalization and Keitai
Internet as Multimedia. In Ito, M., Okabe, D., and
Matsuda, M. Eds. Personal, Portable, Pedestrian:
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Viswanathan, V. The uses of Personal Networked
Digital Imaging: An Empirical Study of Cameraphone
Photos and Sharing. In Proceedings of CHI 2005
(Portland, OR, April 2005), ACM Press, 1853-56.

juni 15, 2010

A Holistic View on Future Snapshot Media

A Holistic View on Future Snapshot Media
Risto Sarvas, Sami Vihavainen
(Helsinki Institute for Information Technology HIIT)

Three technological advantages have changed and are currently changing people’s everyday photography: the digitalization of photos, the availability of broadband internet connections, and the integration of cameras into mobile phones. The digitalization has made snapshot photographs into digital objects that can be edited, copied infinitely, stored into minimal physical space, and subjected to computational methods. The wide availability of internet access at home has made the sharing and communicating with
photos and other media easier than ever before. Thirdly, the camera phone has changed the role of the camera: the camera phone is always carried with, it has an inherent network
access, and access to contextual and social information. In this position paper we describe our view on the future of snapshot media. By snapshot media we mean pictures,
video, sound, and text created by non-professionals (i.e., consumers) for non-commercial and non-artistic reasons,and the devices used to do this are basic consumer media creation devices, computers, and media management and editing software. In other words, we extend snapshot photography to cover the new uses and new media already in popular use.

Previous and Current Work
Our main body of work is in the three consecutive mobile photo systems MMM-1, MobShare, and PhotosToFriends. The MMM-1 system (Mobile Media Metadata version 1)
was an implementation of a metadata generation process which demonstrated the special characteristics of mobile phones as media creation devices [3, 6]. The main lesson
learned from designing and implementing the system, and the following user studies, was that designing metadata for everyday photography is a complex task that involves
problems not previously identified in media metadata for public or commercial use. On the other hand, the system did show the potential of camera phones for leveraging
contextual information at the time of capture, and the new types of photographs that the “always with” characteristic of the mobile phone camera facilitated.
The second system built was a mobile photo sharing system MobShare, which focused on user-centric design, especially traditional snapshot photography and a specific user
study made on camera phone users [5]. The system was tested in two user trials, each lasting 5-6 weeks, and altogether 87 people took part in the trials. The main lesson
learned was a qualitative understanding of what kind of social uses people can have for mobile photos shared over the internet, namely commenting and discussions, forming
of groups to share photos with, the role of photo sharing as a means for keeping in touch, and the lifecycle of a mobile photo from capture to archival. The system also showed how design decisions can have a strong effect on the way the photos are shared and on the photos themselves [4]. The third system built was a more commercially oriented
version of MobShare named PhotosToFriends. It was designed and implemented by Futurice, who was the company also involved in the previous two systems. The commercial
nature of PhotosToFriends made it possible to analyze quantitatively 2223 anonymous users and to identify restrictions and opportunities related to creating a business
out of photo sharing. The main lesson learned was the importance of making the user aware of ongoing social activity (i.e., discussions, viewings, visits) in the system through
notifications and UI components. The quantitative user studies supported this by showing how social activity in a shared photo gallery peaked right after the sharing of the
gallery, and surprisingly, did not diminish right away but lasted for few months. Currently PhotosToFriends has been further developed to a service named Kuvaboxi, which is
the leading online photo sharing service in Finland.
Our current work has focused on a general study on snapshot media. We have conducted an in-depth user trial where we gave a camera phone, a photo printer, and an
online photo sharing service for ten people to use for 6-8 weeks. Parallel to this qualitative study we had a web survey in popular Finnish websites on people’s photography
habits and perceptions. The survey was answered by twelve thousand people. We have also further studied the role of metadata in snapshot media based on the systems designed
and the associated user trials [1, 2].

FUTURE SNAPSHOT MEDIA
Based on our previous and current work on mobile media and people’s everyday photography we have identified three research themes of importance in designing and predicting
the future of snapshot media.

1) Heterogeneity
Current systems, devices, and services that facilitate people’s uses for their personal (i.e., snapshot) photos and media are very heterogeneous. In the basic lifecycle of a photograph
there is a wide variety of technology in each phase: devices and programs for capturing the photo, means for transferring the photo to another device, applications and services to share or publish the photo, a myriad of ways to view the photo, and a variety of technology to archive the photo. The heterogeneity is emphasized even more in camera
phone systems, where the camera itself is open for programming and inherently connected to the internet. To a designer of snapshot media systems one of the main challenges is to address this heterogeneity in integrating new designs into current systems and practices. To a researcher of mobile media this presents the problem of generalization: the media created and people’s uses for it are shaped by the technologies used in the system. Therefore, the user behavior of one mobile media system can not be generalized without discussing the characteristics of the technology used. For example, comparing user studies on photo sharing with MMS to user studies made on other mobile photo sharing applications (e.g., MobShare) should identify the limitations and characteristics of both technologies. In other words, discussions on pervasive image capture and sharing should always mention the particular technology used to avoid misleading generalizations.
2) The Future of Paper
Digitalization is one of the major milestones in the history of photography. We are still in the middle of the ramifications that digitalization and information technology have
created. In the digital revolution of photos the paper photos are often seen as the symbol of old technology that is replaced, and much of this is true: film-based photography
will never be the same and digitalization is changing the whole business, as well as people’s everyday photography. However, paper as a media platform has certain advantages that digital media does not have. It is concrete, physical and requires no external power, which makes it easy to read and view, easy to give to someone, it is not limited to computer
screens in physical space, and the experience of viewing and editing paper media is different than digital. Also, paper photos have over a century of tradition in people’s lives. Therefore, people value paper photos as “real photos”, for example, in gift giving or as a personal keepsake. Finally, photos on paper are often seen as the best way of archiving photographs for future generations. In other words, paper as a platform for personal media has both practical advantages and emotional advantages which should not be forgotten in the digital era. We do not believe that the role of paper photos will be the same as before (e.g., 10×15 individual prints). We do believe that an understanding of the benefits of both formats, digital and paper, will be critical in designing future services and products for snapshot media. An example of leveraging the best of both formats is the growing popularity
of photo books, which can be edited and designed digitally and then printed as physical books. These concrete books have much more emotional value than their electronic
counterparts.

3) Social Metadata, Context Information, and Tagging

The third theme we find important in the future of snapshot media is the way information is associated with the media either as social metadata, contextual information, or as
user-generated tags. By social metadata we mean storing information about the social activity around a media object (e.g., comments, sharing information, views, and the associated people doing the activity). In addition to content describing metadata, which describes the media at the time of capture, we see social metadata, which describes what has happened to the media after capture, as important in organizing and re-using media and in storing information important to the users. By context information we mean the information available
to the capture device at the time of capture, such as nearby Bluetooth devices, location, and calendar events (see, e.g., Merkitys-Meaning and ZoneTag). This information is easily available and can also be used in organizing and reusing media. For example, both of the applications mentioned use Flickr as a way of leveraging the context information
in browsing pictures. By tagging we mean user-generated free keywords that users can associate with media. The prime example of this is Flickr, where people can add any keyword to a picture. These keywords are not used primarily for organizing, but for interaction. Because of the way Flickr leverages tags in surfing the vast public photo archive, the tags have become more of an invitation for interaction in the form of viewing photos rather than means for organizing one’s personal photo collection. We see these three features or phenomena related. All of them are information that is associated with a media object to enable new uses for the media. All of them are also connected to the social uses for media rather than the more traditional role of metadata: organization. We see these three phenomena as the first steps in a path towards having relevant user-generated metadata in future media.

HOLISTIC VIEW
To understand better the three themes presented above, we have adopted a holistic view on snapshot media. The research and design should not be limited to certain media capture devices, photo sharing systems, or types of media. Based on our user interviews, photography is a common and an integral part of people’s lives, and people see it as one thing. The potential users of future media systems do not make clear distinctions between their mobile photos, digital still photos, and film-based paper photos. Therefore, to better understand, for example, the role of camera phone photos in everyday life, we need to look at people’s photography and communication practices in general and how users adapt to the heterogeneous technical environment. In addition to traditional snapshot photography, current research should be aware of people’s communication and interaction practices with digital media (e.g., instant messaging and social networking websites like MySpace or Habbo Hotel), and everyday use of professional media (including online and offline computer games). We see the future of snapshot media focusing more on the social and interactive uses (e.g., forming social relationships, emphasizing togetherness and shared values, and interaction though media) than the more traditional use of documenting important people and events in family history.

REFERENCES
1. Sarvas, R. 2005. User-Centric Metadata for Mobile
Photos. In Proceedings of the Pervasive Image Capture
and Sharing: New Social Practices and Implications for
Technology Workshop (PICS 2005) at UbiComp 2005
in Tokyo, Japan, 2005.
2. Sarvas, R. 2006. Designing User-Centric Metadata for
Digital Snapshot Photography. Doctoral dissertation,
Department of Computer Science and Engineering, Helsinki
University of Technology TKK. Forthcoming.
3. Sarvas, R., Herrarte, E., Wilhelm, A., and Davis, M.
2004. Metadata creation system for mobile images. In
Proceedings of the 2nd international Conference on
Mobile Systems, Applications, and Services (Boston,
MA, USA, June 06 – 09, 2004). MobiSys ‘04. ACM
Press, New York, NY, 36-48.
4. Sarvas, R., Oulasvirta, A., and Jacucci, G. 2005. Building
social discourse around mobile photos: a systemic
perspective. In Proceedings of the 7th international
Conference on Human Computer interaction with Mobile
Devices & Services (Salzburg, Austria, September
19 – 22, 2005). MobileHCI ‘05, vol. 111. ACM Press,
New York, NY, 31-38.
5. Sarvas, R., Viikari, M., Pesonen, J., and Nevanlinna, H.
2004. MobShare: controlled and immediate sharing of
mobile images. In Proceedings of the 12th Annual ACM
international Conference on Multimedia (New York,
NY, USA, October 10 – 16, 2004). MULTIMEDIA ‘04.
ACM Press, New York, NY, 724-731.
6. Wilhelm, A., Takhteyev, Y., Sarvas, R., Van House, N.,
and Davis, M. 2004. Photo annotation on a camera
phone. In CHI ‘04 Extended Abstracts on Human Factors
in Computing Systems (Vienna, Austria, April 24 -
29, 2004). ACM Press, New York, NY, 1403-1406.

juni 15, 2010

Jenkins II

Een ouder stukje van Jenkins uit 2007, maar nog steeds up to date!

The following is adapted from remarks I made at the International Communications Association conference in San Francisco this past week. I was asked to be part of a plenary session organized by Fred Turner, “What’s So Significant about Social Networking?: Web 2.0 and Its Critical Potential,” which also featured Howard Rheingold, Beth Noveck, and Tiziana Terranova. We had ten minutes to speak so I took this as a challenge and offered nine big ideas about the place of YouTube in contemporary culture. Many of these ideas will be familiar to regular readers of this blog since most of them have evolved here over the past year, but I thought you might find them interesting distilled down in this form. (For those who may be joining us from the ICA crowd, I’ve included links back to the original posts from which these ideas have evolved.)

1. YouTube represents the kind of hybrid media space described by Yochai Benkler in The Wealth of Networks — a space where commercial, amateur, nonprofit, governmental, educational, and activist content co-exists and interacts in ever more complex ways. As such, it potentially represents a site of conflict and renegotiation between different forms of power. One interesting illustration of this is the emergence of Astroturf – fake grassroots media — through which very powerful groups attempt to mask themselves as powerless in order to gain greater credibility within participatory culture. In the past, these powerful interests would have been content to exert their control over broadcast and mass market media but now, they often have to mask their power in order to operate within network culture.

2. YouTube has emerged as the meeting point between a range of different grassroots communities involved in the production and circulation of media content. Much that is written about YouTube implies that the availability of Web 2.0 technologies has enabled the growth of participatory cultures. I would argue the opposite: that it was the emergence of participatory cultures of all kinds over the past several decades that has paved the way for the early embrace, quick adoption, and diverse use of platforms like YouTube. But as these various fan communities, brand communities, and subcultures come together through this common portal, they are learning techniques and practices from each other, accelerating innovation within and across these different communities of practice. One might well ask whether the “You” in YouTube is singular or plural, given the fact that the same word functions for both in the English language. Is YouTube a site for personal expression, as is often claimed in news coverage, or for the expression of shared visions within common communities? I would argue that the most powerful content on YouTube comes from and is taken up by specific communities of practice and is thus in that sense a form of cultural collaboration.

3. YouTube represents a site where amateur curators assess the value of commercial content and re-present it for various niche communities of consumers. YouTube participants respond to the endless flow and multiple channels of mass media by making selections, choosing meaningful moments which then get added to a shared archive. Increasingly, we are finding clips that gain greater visibility through YouTube than they achieved via the broadcast and cable channels from which they originated. A classic example of this might be the Colbert appearance at the Washington Press Club Dinner. The media companies are uncertain how to deal with the curatorial functions of YouTube: seeing it as a form of viral marketing on some occasions and a threat to their control over their intellectual property on others. We can see this when Colbert and his staff encourage fans to remix his content the same week that Viacom seeks legal action to have Colbert clips removed from YouTube

4. YouTube’s value depends heavily upon its deployment via other social networking sites — with content gaining much greater visibility and circulation when promoted via blogs, Live Journal, MySpace, and the like. While some people come and surf YouTube, it’s real breakthrough came in making it easy for people to spread its content across the web. In that regard, YouTube represents a shift away from an era of stickiness (where the goal was to attract and hold spectators on your site, like a roach motel) and towards an era where the highest value is in spreadability (a term which emphasizes the active agency of consumers in creating value and heightening awareness through their circulation of media content.)

5. YouTube operates, alongside Flickr, as an important site for citizen journalists, taking advantage of a world where most people have cameras embedded in their cellphones which they carry with them everywhere they go. We can see many examples of stories or images in the past year which would not have gotten media attention if someone hadn’t thought to record them as they unfolded using readily accessible recording equiptment: George Allen’s “macaca” comments, the tazering incident in the UCLA library, Michael Richards’s racist outburst in the nightclub, even the footage of Sadam Hussein’s execution, are a product of this powerful mixture of mobile technology and digital distribution.

6. YouTube may embody a particular opportunity for translating participatory culture into civic engagement. The ways that Apple’s “1984″ advertisement was appropriated and deployed by supporters of Obama and Clinton as part of the political debate suggests how central YouTube may become in the next presidential campaign. In many ways, YouTube may best embody the vision of a more popular political culture that Stephen Duncombe discusses in his new book, Dream: Re-Imagining Progressive Politics in the Age of Fantasy:

Progressives should have learned to build a politics that embraces the dreams of people and fashions spectacles which gives these fantasies form – a politics that employs symbols and associations, a politics that tells good stories. In brief, we should have learned to manufacture dissent…. Given the progressive ideals of egalitarianism and a politics that values the input of everyone, our dreamscapes will not be created by media-savvy experts of the left and then handed down to the rest of us to watch, consume, and believe. Instead, our spectacles will be participatory: dreams that the public can mold and shape themselves. They will be active: spectacles that work only if the people help create them. They will be open-ended: setting stages to ask questions and leaving silences to formulate answers. And they will be transparent: dreams that one knows are dreams but which still have power to attract and inspire. And, finally, the spectacles we create will not cover over or replace reality and truth but perform and amplify it.

Yet as we do so, we should also recognize that participatory culture is not always progressive. However low they may set the bar, the existing political parties do set limits on what they will say in the heat of the political debate and we should anticipate waves of racism, sexism, and other forms of bigotry as a general public, operating outside of those rules and norms, deploy participatory media to respond to a race which includes women, African-American, Hispanics, Mormans, Italian-Americans, Catholics, and the like as leading figures in a struggle for control over the White House.

7. YouTube helps us to see the shifts which are occurring in the cultural economy: the grassroots culture appropriates and remixes content from the mass media industry; the mass
media industry monitors trends and pulls innovations back into the system, amplifying them and spreading them to other populations. Yet as they do so, they often alter the social and economic relations which fueled this cultural production in the first place. We will see increasing debates about the relations between the gift economy of participatory culture and the commodity relations that characterize user-generated content. There is certainly a way that these sites can be seen as a way of economic exploitation as they outsource media production from highly paid and specialized creative workers to their amateur unpaid counterparts.

8. In the age of YouTube, social networking emerges as one of the important social skills and cultural competencies that young people need to acquire if they are going to become meaningful participants in the culture around them. We need to be concerned with the participation gap as much as we are concerned with the digital divide. The digital divide has to do with access to technology; the participation gap has to do with access to cultural experiences and the skills that people acquire through their participation within ongoing online communities and social networks.

9. YouTube teaches us that a participatory culture is not necessarily a diverse culture. As John McMuria has shown us, minorities are grossly under-represented — at least among the most heavily viewed videos on YouTube, which still tend to come most often from white middle class males. If we want to see a more “democratic” culture, we need to explore what mechanisms might encouraged greater diversity in who participates, whose work gets seen, and what gets valued within the new participatory culture.

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juni 15, 2010

Henry Jenkins! Oh yes!

Alles over het nieuwe medialandschap? In vijf minuten? Let the master speak!

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ibJaqXVaOaI&feature=player_embedded#!

mei 11, 2010

Alice for ipad!

 

Zijn er nog die niet overtuigd zijn?

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gew68Qj5kxw

mei 11, 2010

Not myself tonight…

Van de found footage in de nieuwe Dreft reclame, over ‘De nieuwe Robust Collection’ van Philips, het regent de laatste dagen verwijzingen naar reclame uit de jaren ’60 en ’70.  De Happy Families are back! Als mevrouw intussen helemaal wil opgaan in haar retrofeeling, surft ze naar www.swandiamondrose.com voor een (sexy) sokophouder, en als mijnheer wil zappen van Mad Men richting jaren ’80, kan hij terecht bij de nieuwe clip van Christina Aguilera. Definitely not herself tonight; het lijkt wel of de ganse Madonnacatalogus wordt opgevoerd. Vogue – en andere vintage Mandonna tease – zijn nooit ver weg!

Lights out: http://www.musicvideolife.com/christina-aguilera-not-myself-tonight-official-video_bf8b38ba3.html

Swandiamondrose…

maart 19, 2010

Brutalists

Het is geen geheim dat uitgeverij Ludion graag de vinger aan de pols houdt. Op basis van een aantal recente producties scharen we ons graag onder de paraplu van wat momenteel omschreven wordt als de ‘the new Brutalists’ – we hadden het hier eerder al over de communicatiegolf van ’the new modernists’! Binnen communicatie- en graphic design middens duidt men dit ‘Brutalism’ als een ontwikkeling die zijn roots vindt in de jaren ’70, via bladen als ID en Dazed&Confused een heropleving kende, en momenteel back on track als ‘love or loathe’ facts! Ludion serveert er alvast drie! De cover van onze nieuwe aanbiedingscatalogus Illustrated (ontwerp: Veerle Verbrugge/East Village), de cover van Koen Keppens’ Music For The Deaf (ontwerp: Gérard/Affreux) en de cover van UltraMegaLore (ontwerp: Hannelore Knuts/Aurore Lechien/BaseDesign). Binnenkort dus in je bus, of in de boekhandel!

maart 19, 2010

Alice in Wonderland. The Rise of 3D!

Gedegen artikel in The New Yorker (www.newyorker.com) ! Tekst: Anthony Lane, Foto: Miles Aldridge. Ga er maar even voor zitten, het loont de moeite!

Did you enjoy “Rottweiler”? How about “Bwana Devil” or “Black Lolita”? Maybe you preferred “International Stewardesses,” although you might know it under the more thoughtful title of “Supersonic Supergirls.” You will not need reminding that these are among the crowning achievements of three-dimensional cinema: its “Grand Illusion,” its “Psycho,” its “8½.” There are people who track down rare 3-D screenings of “Comin’ at Ya!” and “The Disco Dolls in Hot Skin” the way regular buffs flock to a new print of “The Searchers” or dream of the lost, unbutchered portions of von Stroheim’s “Greed.” For those who have kept faith with 3-D, and have withstood the taunts of skeptics over the decades, no illusion has been grander, or harder to attain.

“Bwana Devil,” set in Africa but filmed in Malibu, is a case in point. As one scours the histories of the medium, this is the title that swells with revolutionary significance. Think of it as “The Birth of a Nation” with an added z-axis. It was shot with a dual-camera rig, with two cameras facing weirdly lens to lens, and a pair of mirrors between them; light from the scene would be reflected via the mirrors, angled at forty-five degrees, into each lens. The resulting full-length feature, screened through twin projectors, viewable with 3-D spectacles, and released on November 26, 1952, initiated a short but golden period of 3-D, “with more than fifty stereoscopic films released between 1952 and 1955.” So says Ray Zone, one of the foremost experts in the field, and certainly the most exquisitely named. Was he given the name at birth, and thus obliged to enter a suitable area of study, or did a fascination with 3-D lead him to assume this nom d’image?

In a series of interviews with leading practitioners of 3-D, Zone spoke to Arch Oboler, the director of “Bwana Devil,” more than thirty years after the film’s release. Like most of his peers, Oboler seemed excited to be dredging up the past, but not half as excited as he was by the glories yet to come: “Until there is some artistic level of choice of stories in the studios, we may have the same reaction to the present 3-D excitement that we had back in the “Bwana Devil” days. The audience will become surfeited with gore, with bad stories. The only hope for 3-D is that someone will come along with taste and understanding, and do a good story without regard for the extremes of 3-D, using it in terms of the story itself”.

All of which sounds like a drumroll for James Cameron. The greatest compliment that one can pay to “Avatar,” apart from the small matter of two and a half billion dollars and counting, is that almost none of the arguments that have stormed around the movie since its release, in December, have centered on its extra dimension. “The technology should wave its own wand and make itself disappear,” Cameron said in advance, and, as he predicted, the visual depth of the film has become a given. People have plunged into “Avatar” like vacationers lining up for the high board of a pool, and when they emerge nearly three hours later, removing their glasses and rubbing the bridge of their noses, the question that they want to thrash out is whether the pool was a swamp of liberal eco-mush or a trough of hot-blooded American rampage. The one thing they agree on is that 3-D was its most fitting form—and, by implication, that there is no way back. 3-D is good to go. From here on, “the mind feels its way into the very depths of the picture. The scraggy branches of a tree in the foreground run out at us as if they would scratch our eyes out.” Those are not the words of Oboler, though, or of the triumphant Cameron. They were written in The Atlantic Monthly, in June, 1859, by Oliver Wendell Holmes.

How did Holmes, of all people, find time for another dimension? Somehow, while in his post as professor of anatomy and physiology at Harvard Medical School, and notwithstanding his poems, the essays that he contributed to The Atlantic Monthly, the novel that he published in the same journal, and his membership—along with Emerson, Longfellow, and James Russell Lowell—in the Saturday Club, he also delved into the field of stereopsis. This is the process by which our binocular vision yields a sensation of depth, with each eye giving a slightly different account of the same object; “by means of these two different views, the mind, as it were, feels round it and gets an idea of its solidity,” Holmes wrote. He was hardly the first to notice this; the physician Galen had pointed it out some seventeen hundred years earlier, and it has been a continuing cause for regret, among medical historians, that Galen did not live to see his theories come to fruition in “Jaws 3-D” or “Metalstorm: The Destruction of Jared-Syn.” But Holmes was the first to lyricize the lure of stereopsis, and to grapple imaginatively with its dramatic potential: “I scale the huge mountain-crystal that calls itself the Pyramid of Cheops. I pace the length of the three Titanic stones of the wall of Baalbec,—mightiest masses of quarried rock that man has lifted into the air; and then I dive into some mass of foliage with my microscope, and trace the veinings of a leaf so delicately wrought in the painting not made with hands, that I can almost see its down and the green aphis that sucks its juices. I look into the eyes of the caged tiger, and on the scaly train of the crocodile, stretched on the sands of the river that has mirrored a hundred dynasties”.

 We are a breath away from the forests of “Avatar.” Look at the verbs that Holmes deploys—scale, pace, dive—and the gusto with which he zooms from the hulking shapes of a landscape to the thirst of a single insect. All that he is actually discussing is the pleasure of leafing through a collection of stereo photographs (paired views of the same scene, which a stereoscope resolved into a single, 3-D image), yet you can feel him egging the technology on to keep pace with human attention. That is why, finding a few minutes to spare, around 1860, he designed his own stereoscope—an elegant viewing tool, carved in wood with glass lenses, which could be held in the hand for the convenient scrutiny of the dual images. He was not the inventor of the stereoscope; that honor belongs to Charles Wheatstone, a British scientist who had built a more cumbersome device twenty years earlier. But Holmes’s lighter version sold en masse, and, in an even more fervid article from 1861, he guided stereoscopists on a grand verbal tour of the world, and promised them a trance—“a dream-like exaltation of the faculties, a kind of clairvoyance, in which we seem to leave the body behind us and sail away into one strange scene after another.” Vision, from now on, would be visionary; and you sense that impatient souls like Holmes, who had a thousand-strong collection of stereo photographs, were willing the cinema into being.

To trace the progress of stereo viewing, in the wake of this early enthusiasm, is to embark upon a comedy of bright ideas, brand names, dashed hopes, and quackery. Ray Zone, who is nothing if not exhaustive in his “Stereoscopic Cinema and the Origins of the 3-D Film, 1838-1952,” brings us news of the Cosmorama, the Motoscope, the Thaumatrope, the Phenakistoscope, the stereophoroskop, the Kinimoscope, the photobioscope, the Praxinoscope, the Heliocinegraphe, the Zoopraxiscope (not to be confused with the Zoopraxinoscope, otherwise known as the Zoogyroscope), the Kinetoscope, the Mutoscope, the anaglyph, the polarizer, the Alethoscope, and the Vitagraph, which at least had the advantage of being pronounceable. The most significant of these was Thomas Edison’s Kinetoscope, which ran a strip of film through a system of rollers, and the patent for which, issued in 1893, mentioned “means for moving said film or surface rapidly forward at a regulated speed.” The result would have been a kind of hasty peepshow—pictures in motion rather than a motion picture—and, in any case, as Zone points out, no functioning Kinetoscope was ever constructed.

What matters here, amid the melee, is that the dream of 3-D predated the arrival of the movies; and what saddens proponents of 3-D is that not until recently has it caught up. Worse still, some of the earliest films partook, consciously or otherwise, of visual sleights and habits to which a public fed on years of stereoscopy was already accustomed: yet another instance, if any were needed, of an art form consuming its forebears without so much as a thank you. Thus, in “The Great Train Robbery,” a smash of 1903, the final image of the film—after the thieves have been tracked down and shot in the woods—shows one of them, alive and unharmed, raising his pistol and firing directly at the camera. Whether audiences flinched from this, as legend suggests, we cannot be sure; but to shatter the fourth wall in so blatant a fashion, so early in the history of the medium, was not just astounding. It was also a 3-D moment in all but name, with the viewer’s brain instantly gauging the distance and the velocity of the bullet’s path. From there to our privileged position atop the thrumming arrow in “Robin Hood: Prince of Thieves” (1991), or to any of the slugs that barrel toward us in the “Matrix” trilogy, is no more than a hop. These are not 3-D movies, yet the ghost of 3-D hangs over them and haunts their spatial desires. The slaking of such desires reached a feverish peak in the early nineteen-twenties. Was it pure coincidence that, even as poets and novelists sought to splinter and elasticate our common experience, so the newest permutation of popular culture likewise played merry—and profitable—havoc with traditional narratives? If you were of catholic tastes, you could spend 1922 inching through “Ulysses” and “The Waste Land” and then relax, in December, at the Selwyn Theatre in New York, where a round viewing machine with a revolving shutter stood on a snakelike metal neck in front of your seat. This was Teleview, which brought you a 3-D bundle of slides, travelogues, and something called shadowgraphs; two years later, 3-D won its first wide commercial release in the form of a portmanteau of short novelty films known as Plastigrams. The dogged R. M. Hayes, in his book “3-D Movies,” reprints a great poster for Plastigrams, with its barked instructions: “You Will Thrill!—Scream at this Wonder Novelty. Special Glasses Absolutely Essential. Provided Free of Charge. Get Yours at the Door.”

The kicker, though, lies at the foot of the poster. For thirty-five cents, you got a double bill: squeezed below Plastigrams was a small announcement for the second half of the program, D. W. Griffith’s “Way Down East.” And so the scene was set. 3-D had the bells and whistles, but maybe that was all it had; it was a Wonder Novelty, but a novelty nonetheless. Meanwhile, real movies, less showy but more substantial, could get on with business as usual. And that is where the matter rested. In 1936, for instance, audiences for M-G-M’s “A Tale of Two Cities” were treated, beforehand, to a short 3-D film called “Audioscopiks,” for which the company made three million pairs of red-and-green lorgnette spectacles. You held them up to your eyes to watch a guy pitch a baseball (“Don’t Forget to Duck!” the tagline ran), then lowered them for the Dickens, which remained a tale of two dimensions. Not until the end of last year were the two halves of that entertainment fused into one, as Robert Zemeckis’s “A Christmas Carol” saw Jim Carrey, in the role of Scrooge, rocket past us into the night sky clutching a chimney pot. This was not because the same thing occurs in the original story but because 3-D loves a human projectile even more than it does a baseball. That’s the rule: wonders must never cease.

To survey the filmography of 3-D, from the days of “Bwana Devil” to a movie like “Jaws 3-D,” which, in 1983, earned eighty-eight million dollars worldwide, is to trespass upon a mythical land that is both laughed at and lost. It’s like hearing from survivors of Atlantis that the place was a bit of a dump. And yet the myth is untouchable, because we cannot return to inspect it for ourselves. Were I to nourish a fixation with the films of 1954, I could easily buy a DVD of “Rear Window” or “On the Waterfront,” but I can no more grasp what it was truly like to put on my 3-D spectacles and watch “The French Line,” with Jane Russell, than I can spirit myself back among the congregation of St. Thomas’s Church in Leipzig, two hundred and twenty years earlier, to hear a Bach cantata. There was a chance to see “The French Line” four years ago, when it screened as part of a magnificent-sounding roster of films at the World 3-D Film Expo II, at the Egyptian Theatre in Hollywood, alongside such gems as “Those Redheads from Seattle” (1953) and “Taza, Son of Cochise” (1954). If you missed the show, however, all that remains of “The French Line” is the poster, with its portrait of Russell, arching her back in a bustier, and supported by the delicate slogan “J.R. in 3D: It’ll Knock Both Your Eyes Out!” There’s no proof that Howard Hughes wrote that line, but it has his paw marks all over it.

“Taza, Son of Cochise” is a special case, because it starred Rock Hudson and was directed by Douglas Sirk. Those for whom 3-D is, by definition, doomed to frippery tend to claim that no one of any distinction or sensibility would touch the stuff; yet a trawl through the record reveals any number of first-rate stars and directors who reached into the third dimension. There was “Dial M for Murder,” which Hitchcock shot in 3-D, although he was annoyed by the bulk of the camera. There was Curtis Bernhardt’s “Miss Sadie Thompson,” with Rita Hayworth, which proffered, among other delights, “special clip-ons for those who already wear glasses.” John Farrow directed John Wayne in “Hondo,” and Rudolph Maté, who, as a cinematographer, had shot masterpieces such as “The Passion of Joan of Arc” and “Gilda,” directed Robert Mitchum and Jack Palance in “Second Chance.” You could watch the Three Stooges, perhaps confusingly, in 3-D, in “Pardon My Backfire,” and you could watch Dean Martin and Jerry Lewis in 3-D in “Money from Home.” I still wonder how the première went. Martin, living as he did in a bifurcated fuzz, was presumably the only man in history who could watch a 3-D movie without needing the special glasses. Yet, to be brutal, one has to ask: how many of these movies have endured, in any format, in the course of the fourth dimension? We still cling to “Dial M for Murder,” but mainly for Grace Kelly, and for Hitchcock’s masterly handling of her trial scene. To be fair, “Kiss Me Kate,” the M-G-M musical with Kathryn Grayson and Howard Keel, was a 3-D hit, though mainly for the Cole Porter songs, like “Always True to You in My Fashion” and “Too Darn Hot,” which existed long before the movie did and will resound after it has crumbled into dust. “Taza, Son of Cochise” now feels like a hiatus in Sirk’s career between “All I Desire” and “Magnificent Obsession.” 3-D, he said, “was just an experiment,” and one is tugged toward the mean suspicion that, though often a boost to a film’s immediate prospects, it soon became something that we could take or leave. Worse still, it may have hardened into a hindrance. When David Thomson, in “The New Biographical Dictionary of Film,” describes “Inferno,” a Robert Ryan picture of 1953, as “a modest venture, handicapped by 3D,” is he revealing an unjust prejudice, or a bitter truth of the time?

Certainly, Oliver Wendell Holmes could not have conceived of a more ironic fate for his beloved stereoscopy; namely, that the very quest for depth should dwindle into a grim guarantee of superficiality. Was it the blandishment of the quick shock which insured that, for seventy years or more, almost every adventure in 3-D would wind up as little more than an extended Plastigram? As late as last year, in “My Bloody Valentine,” a naked blonde hurled a pistol across a parking lot at a no-good truck driver’s head—or, apparently, through the screen and straight at our heads, for the sake of a passing “Ooh,” with no thought as to the rupture of dramatic flow. That is why so many 3-D films have taken refuge at the cheesier end of the market, in horror and pornography, where the slash of a knife or the swell of a bosom can allow the technique to strut its stuff. This is fatal for the maturing of any medium, as the fundamental need to tell a story, or to conjure a subtlety of mood, is trounced and swept aside by the sudden opportunity to show off. I clearly recall sitting through “Amityville 3-D” and “Friday the 13th, Part III” and feeling the last traces of genuine atmosphere drain away, to be replaced by a litany of giggles. As for “Jaws 3-D,” I was mildly surprised that the offending shark should feel so much less frightening than it had in Spielberg’s original, given that we were now being introduced, as it were, on a snout-to-snout basis.

The comedy of such encounters became inescapable, nowhere more so than when fish were replaced by the even wetter business of sex. Laughter is never far from the conjoining of bodies onscreen; it is, in its way, a hangover of our Puritan pudeur, but, with the approach of 3-D, it drowned out any hope of a softer cry. The heart, along with every other organ, sinks as one follows R. M. Hayes in his steady, alphabetical assessment of the boom in 3-D erotica. How relieved are you that you didn’t bruise your libido with a trip to “Scoring” or “Campus Panty Raids” or “The Starlets”? The last of these arrived in 1976, in QuadraVision, of which Hayes remarks, with some severity, “The fourth dimension was supposed to be the explicitness of the hardcore sex scenes.” The level of realism delivered by “Secrets of Ecstasy ’72,” according to one advertisement, meant that “you can almost feel the pulsing warmth,” but the faint regret in that “almost” is fleshed out by an interview that Ray Zone conducted with Arnold Herr, who shot 3-D porno films, mostly in the nineteen-seventies, for a company called Deep Vision. His memories of “The Playmates” are fondly exact: “She’s grinding and moaning. The camera moves up to her right breast. Then you see this enormous tongue from the lower part of the frame move up and start to lick her breast.” The tongue in question, it transpires, came from a cow, though any fears that the rest of the cow was still attached to it are quickly laid to rest: “We had it on a broom handle and we had something under it to animate it. We also spritzed it to make it look moist.” Clearly, something had to give. This on-the-hoof inventiveness, though enterprising enough, offered almost nothing to serious filmmakers, and still less to cattle breeders. If 3-D was to stay alive, it had to break new ground. By good fortune, the ground ahead was digital.

We should not be taken aback by the pace with which digital production has invaded our moviegoing and colonized our eyes. Nonetheless, it is still bracing to take one’s seat for Tim Burton’s new “Alice in Wonderland” and realize how snugly the whole experience has accommodated itself to the shape of modern film. For a start, there are the glasses. Most early viewers knew only the anaglyph—a red lens over one eye, a blue or green one over the other, complementing the dual projection of the film itself. The nineteen-thirties saw increased competition from polarizing glasses, each lens of which blocked out part of the light from the screen. These two technologies have duked it out ever since. Anaglyph, which was ideal for black-and-white, and seemed bound for the scrap heap, has enjoyed an odd resurgence among computer users, for 3-D games. But moviegoers no longer want to be fobbed off with a piece of torn-out cardboard and plastic, which begs to be bent and scratched; they want to look like downhill skiers, their wraparound mirrored lenses flashing on the slopes. Polarization, therefore—preferably circular rather than linear, which means that you can tilt your head without getting a bad case of color-bleed—has carried the day.

Then, there are the coming attractions. When I saw “Alice,” all of them were in 3-D; a child being taken to the cinema for the first time would presume that no other options were available. People sighed with comfortable anticipation at the imminence of “Toy Story 3,” and rustled with bewilderment at “Tron Legacy,” which is apparently designed to trap us like rabbits inside a digital world. Indeed, until Alice made her entrance, in the main feature, no real people had passed before our gaze. “Curiouser and curiouser,” she said, having stepped through the tiny door into Wonderland, yet what followed grew less and less curious, as we realized how tightly Burton had stuck to the blueprint of twenty-first-century extravaganza. Lewis Carroll’s tale is as brisk and bright as the Victorian child at its heart, more anecdotal than plotted, and Burton, spotting this, overcompensates by trading the domestic for the apocalyptic. Humans galumphing bareback on outsized beasts, and blasted war zones, where ignorant armies clash by night: we could be back in Narnia, or in the set pieces of “The Golden Compass”—leagues away from the spiky language games that enliven Carroll’s pages. The most troubling aspect is that, while 3-D lends an undoubted texture to these duels and pursuits, it also makes them strangely obvious; we now demand nothing less than constant, localized amazement, and we therefore get nothing more. No one should play down the hard, ingenious labor that such a project entails, yet something about it, as Alice sprang through the darkened air and slew the Jabberwocky, felt too easy. There is also the “Avatar” problem. “Alice in Wonderland” was shot in two dimensions and then converted, during postproduction, into three, and, to a theatre full of pedants—which is what we have become—there are holes to pick in the screen. The flora through which our heroine passes is every bit as luxuriant as we expected, but not once do we sense ourselves yearning to catch and stroke it as we did those glowing woodland floaters—half jellyfish, half thistledown—that bloomed from the digital mulch of “Avatar.” The bar, in short, is being raised at a vertiginous rate, and today’s 3-D viewers deride the effects that felt so special in “The Polar Express,” all of six years ago. Those smooth, not quite real faces in which the director, Robert Zemeckis, likes to deal (and continues to deal, to judge by “A Christmas Carol”) now verge on the embarrassing, such is our craving for an alternative world in which we can place our trust. Before our eyes, the idea of 3-D vision has gone from hobby to heavy industry, from a treat to an essential, and from a creed to a need. For devotees, it had to happen: “for today’s 3D, riding on all-digital production pipelines, the benefits extend far beyond principal photography into postproduction and distribution. Considering that 1950’s 3D is said to have been crippled by image-quality issues that couldn’t be tackled in the analog age, this distinction is crucial. Basically, a digital 3D movie should not give you a headache”.

That is Bernard Mendiburu, writing in “3D Movie Making: Stereoscopic Digital Cinema from Script to Screen” (2009). As a technical manual, it bristles with good advice, but, as a book of prophecy, it will scare the pixellated daylights out of anyone over forty. Once the newfangled 3-D is up and running, Mendiburu proposes, “it will be unavoidable and ubiquitous, to the point that the very mention of “3D” will disappear from posters. At some point in the near future, you will go to see a “flattie” for nostalgia’s sake, just as you sometimes watch black-and-white movies on TV today”.

I hate to break it to Mendiburu, but there are film lovers who still go to the cinema to watch flatties that are not merely in black-and-white but are sometimes silent, too. And we do so not out of nostalgia but precisely because those films are anything but period pieces. Not long ago, I saw a new print of “Gun Crazy,” Joseph H. Lewis’s bad-couple thriller of 1950, and it felt considerably more dangerous and less dated than most of the new releases. Not that such danger will deter the acolytes of 3-D, who, far from scorning our preferences, will kindly offer to help. According to recent reports, Reliance Big Entertainment, the Mumbai-based company that last year invested three hundred and twenty-five million dollars in DreamWorks Studios, has entered into partnership with In-Three, a California firm that converts 2-D movies to 3-D. And not just new 2-D, but old 2-D as well. If all goes according to plan, “Twelve Angry Men” could be coming back. And they’ll be angrier than ever. There is more in this announcement to startle the movie nut than in any rumor of “Avatar 2: Blue Crush.” Faced with the thought of a 3-D “Casablanca,” one is torn between outrage at such blind desecration and a sneaking wish to know—well, what the hell would it look like? The mind runs riot, in search of screenings past. Imagine the older couple dancing, with slow grace, in “The Magnificent Ambersons,” with the younger pair behind them, watching in admiration from the stairs; imagine the gentle ascent of the camera, at the end of “Ugetsu Monogatari,” as the child lays an offering on his mother’s grave, and we gaze beyond him to the workers, with griefs and rituals of their own, toiling in the distant fields; imagine the arrival of the train at the start of “Once Upon a Time in the West,” with those seamed, all-knowing faces so close to us and the railroad stretching so far; imagine the flirtatious darting between trees, in “Smiles of a Summer Night,” as the maid half seeks to flee the randy groom in the background, both of them blessed and maddened by the midnight sun. All these scenes depend on figures held in separate planes, and on the unspoken feelings that brim in the spaces between them; would it weaken or intensify those feelings if the spaces were given solid form? Try asking Patrick von Sychowski, the chief operating officer at Reliance MediaWorks, quoted in the London Times: “You can’t just press a button and have a computer do it. You have to take artistic decisions, such as what’s going to appear in the foreground.” Ah.

It is no slur on the skills of Reliance and In-Three to suggest that, statistically, they are unlikely to have a Welles, a Mizoguchi, a Leone, and a Bergman all sharing the same water cooler in Mumbai. Maybe the past should be left in peace. On the other hand, a name as distinguished as any of those was behind the most messianic tribute ever paid to 3-D. Sergei Eisenstein, in his last article, published in 1949, wrote that “mankind has for centuries been moving towards stereoscopic cinema.” Hostility to such progress told of a reactionary stubbornness: “Does not the musty conservatism with which news of work on the stereoscopic front is met in the West sound absurd and, in its way, insulting to the eternally developing tendencies of a genuinely vital art?” Even if you’re not convinced that “Cloudy with a Chance of Meatballs” did that much to overthrow, or even lightly radicalize, a snoozing bourgeoisie, you have to be stirred by Eisenstein’s call to arms, not least when he summons, as a witness, a passage from his own film “Ivan the Terrible, Part I”: “The most memorable montage piece in this scene shows the boundless snow-covered space in the background of the composition, the general view of the Moscow peasants’ procession moving across it, and, in the foreground, the greatly enlarged profile of the Czar’s head bowing to them”.

 There’s just one hitch. The scene works fine as it is. Watch it again and—even in miniature, on YouTube—you absolutely get the point, as the formal disposition of figures in the frame yokes together the ruler and the ruled. It may, like “The Great Train Robbery,” owe something to 3-D, but the posthumous application of 3-D would not sharpen—and might even vulgarize—its moral thrust. Is that not, after all, how we have learned to read a painting since the time of Giotto? We know that perspective is a trick, and that a flat surface stands for a denser and more far-reaching world, but it is an illusion of which art—in drawing and painting, in still photography, and in two-dimensional films—has availed itself with unstinting intelligence, relying on our instinct to decipher the code. What 3-D movies say to us is: You have been fooled. You were duped, all this time, into thinking that a window was a world. Only now will you get the real thing. But that, too, is a lie. “We seem to leave the body behind us,” Holmes said of the stereoscope, but we never really leave. We don’t even leave our seat, and soon we won’t leave our couch, since the signs are that 3-D will not just conquer the movie theatres but edge with greater assurance into our homes. True, these are early days; I watched a DVD of “My Bloody Valentine,” which came with a pair of crummy anaglyph glasses, and it was like having my eyeballs rinsed in lemon-lime Gatorade. Word is, though, that Blu-ray disks offer a better service by far, and who’s to say, in any case, that feature films will be the major draw? An outfit called 3ality Digital has produced a three-dimensional broadcast for the N.F.L., and before long it won’t be just the halftime commercials during the Super Bowl which require us to don our glasses. It will be the game. We will rise magically above the end zone, at the climactic play, and watch the football rifle toward our eyes. And if we feel like grieving at the end, and need to stream some 3-D porn to cheer ourselves up, it will not be because our team lost; it will be because the vision is over for the night. Those members of the “Avatar” audience who said that they felt blue, in every sense, as the movie ebbed away were the most accurate critics of all. 3-D will ravish our senses and take us on rides that no drug could match, but my guess is that, like so many blessings, it won’t make us happy. It will make us want more. (Anthony Lane, The New Yorker, http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/atlarge/2010/03/08/100308crat_atlarge_lane)

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